[APC Africa-ICT-Policy Monitor] CHAKULA ISSUE NO. 12, March 2005: 'Review Recent ICT Policy Issues and WSIS'

[Emmanuel Njenga]

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CHAKULA ISSUE NO. 12, March 2005:  'Review Recent ICT Policy Issues and
WSIS'

A Newsletter on ICT Policy issues in Africa

Newsletter of the Association for Progressive Communications (APC) - Africa
ICT Policy Monitor Project aims to mobilise African Civil Society for 
ICT policy
for development and social justice.


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1. Editorial

2. Review Recent ICT Policy Issues
- The Digital Solidarity Fund and The Economist
- Kenya Regulatory debacle

3. Featured Stories
- WSIS and Africa: Running with the Horses or Sleeping with the Dogs
- Zambia's long march to an information society: Can a national
information policy catalyse this process?

4. Subscribing to 'Chakula'


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1. EDITORIAL


In this issue of Chakula, we bring you a round up of recent ICT policy
issues with recent reports and reviews following the second phase of
WSIS process.


Among the recent ICT policy issues review include the issue on the
Digital Solidarity Fund (DSF) and The Economist, while the second
article covers the recent debates on Kenya's communications regulatory
debacle following the disbandment of the Kenya Regulatory Commission
Board.


We have also brought to you our regular feature articles, a review a
participant's experience after having attended the WSIS process in
Accra, and the second article an analysis of the Zambia ICT policy process.


APC Africa ICT Policy Monitor Team
http://africa.rights.apc.org


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2. RECENT ICT POLICY ISSUES


The Digital Solidarity Fund and The Economist

On March 10, 2005, the Economist featured reports and an editorial on
the digital divide in which it derided the Digital Solidarity Fund
(DSF), which had been welcomed by governments at the WSIS Prepcom 2 in
Geneva in February and was due to be launched on March 14, 2005.

In its editorial on `the real digital divide', the Economist made the
following claims about the Digital Solidarity Fund:

* That on March14th, the United Nations will launch a"Digital Solidarity
Fund".
* That waving a magic wand to cause a computer to appear in every
household on earth is just the sort of thing for which the UN's new fund
is intended.
* Technology firms operating in poor countries will be encouraged to
donate 1% of their profits to the fund.

None of these claims are true. The DSF is not a UN Fund. It has been
independently established in terms of Swiss law. The DSF has modest aims
and financial resources and has no plans to put a computer in every
household on earth. The DSF's 1% financial mechanism is not 1% of the
profits of every technology company operating in poor countries. It is a
1% levy on IT procurement contracts that municipalities may impose on
winning bidders for such contracts. The difference between the two is
massive.

One may ask why the Economist has appeared to get its facts so wrong. It
seems to be more than an honest journalistic mistake. The degree of
hyperbole in its claims around the DSF's putative aims to place a
computer in every household on earth as a form of magic and to raise the
funding to do so by massive taxation on IT companies is curious to say
the least. It seems a deliberate action, designed to destroy the
credibility of the DSF at its inception. Of itself, this may be a minor
matter. But it is also linked to the trumpeting of mobile telephony as
the real solution to the digital divide as opposed to the provision of
internet connectivity in developing countries.

The Economist opines that the internet is of no use to the poor who are
illiterate and have other needs to attend to. To support this
proposition it cites the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation's funding
approach as one that puts health care above the extension of computers.
It also cites research put before an unnamed conference by Vodafone. So
there you have it - the world's biggest computer software company and
the world's biggest mobile phone company thinks that mobile phones are
more useful to poor people than computers and the internet.

Just for good measure the Economist throws in some World Bank figures
that 'show that poor people in developing countries spend a larger
proportion of their income on telecommunications than those in the rich
world. Yet this is all merely indirect evidence for the impact of mobile
telecommunications on economic growth. After all, as people become
richer, they have more money to spend on things like phone calls.'
Forthcoming research by the South African-based Link Centre shows that
in Uganda, the showpiece for mobile telephony in Africa, 95% say the
cost of calls prevents them from making more phone calls from their
mobile phones. Yet the Economist is happy to say that 'set against the
medieval living conditions in much of the developing world, it seems
foolhardy to throw money at fancy computers and internet links.' It
doesn't sound like Ugandans are so rich as to spend a lot of their
income on mobile phones.

So basically the Economist is spinning a propaganda line. This seems to
be an increasing feature of developed country media. See, for example,
the New York Times' investigation into the Bush administration's use of
video news releases and the acquiescence of network television in this
deception (coincidentally published on March 13, 2005). The ideological
work preformed by the Economist seems aimed at reasserting the dominance
of market forces as a solution to the problems of development. Surely
the Economist could have made the case without calumny against the UN
and the DSF. Or is this a sign of a mild hysteria in the ideological
mechanisms of the North that the South is losing patience with market
fundamentalism and that the goals of development require more than just
the deployment of Vodafone and Microsoft to achieve.

There are other ways of bridging the digital divide in which the use of
market forces is but one mechanism and not the only one. A new paradigm
is emerging for Information and Communications for Development (ICD)
that draws on the network effects of the internet to deliver ICT-enabled
services to the poor and just the kind of synergies between local
government and citizens that the DSF is keen to promote.

While market growth has expanded access to telecommunications
dramatically, particularly to mobile telephony, this trend alone will
not usher in an 'information society' where everyone is included.

This is particularly important in areas that are under-served by markets
or "development zones" (as opposed to market zones). In development
zones, a range of technologies, including new wireless technologies, is
needed to deliver ICT-enabled content and services that can make a
difference to poor people's economic capacities.

Development of regional and national infrastructures is important in
laying the foundations for more cost-effective access and delivery of
services. It is on those networks, if access to them is open and not
subject to monopoly or excessive charges, that integration into the
national and global economy depends.

Providing access of isolated and poor people to the global information
networks contributes to a global public good, but is only paid by the
poor people themselves. The addition of more countries and users to the
internet increases the value of the network for everybody, and in
particular for ICT industries in the North that gain new markets for
devices, software and connectivity, both among the newly connected as
well as among the already connected that communicate with them. Big
industries are 'free riders' that benefit without paying, and a global
tax on microchips, spam or on domains would be justified and provide
reliable resources for developing countries to connect their people.
Such a tax could be administered by the DSF.

Equally important is ensuring that citizens are able to make use of
network infrastructure with the secure knowledge that they have the
right to free expression.  Without human rights there can be no truly
inclusive information society.

The DSF -with its focus on cities and the local level- has a vital role
to play in mobilising partnerships and resources, and directing
attention to the importance of bridging the digital divide. The
Economist's claim that 'the digital divide that really matters is
between those with access to a mobile network and those without' is
one-dimensional and hollow. The digital divide will not be bridged by
one technology alone. It requires more than this. Another world of
communications and development is possible.

For other news, reports and resources related to WSIS and Africa, click
this link;

http://africa.rights.apc.org/index.shtml?apc=29740se_1


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Kenya Regulatory Debacle


Kenya has dominated news headlines in the past few weeks not only at the
local level but also across the African continent and global levels,
unfortunately for the wrong reasons. The headlines have been the result
of Mr Raphael Tuju, the Minister of Information and Communications’
decision to dissolve of the board of the Communications Commission of
Kenya (CCK) that is charged with regulating the communications and
information sector.

According to initial reports, the Minister’s decision to dissolve the
board was not immediately clear, but following the reaction and pressure
from industry stakeholders, particularly the Telecommunication Service
Providers of Kenya (TESPOK) alongside civil society organizations – the
Kenya civil society caucus of the WSIS, the Minister addressed a press
conference where he indicated his move was aimed at facilitating
"investigations into the various issues that had come to the attention
of the ministry” [i].

Pressed further to reveal more details, the Minister declined to comment
on the nature of issues under investigation and when questioned on the
issue of whether he acted beyond his powers by dissolving the board
including the Director General (DG) who enjoyed security of tenure, the
Minister replied, "The existence of security of tenure is debatable and
I am ready for any one to challenge my decision in a court of law.[ii]"

This clearly set the scene for battle between the Minister and various
stakeholders as the several industry groups rallied other like minded
interest groups and continued to build pressure on the Minister to
justify his actions. Civil society and industry groups were concerned
that dire consequences would follow, as the Chairperson of the African
ISP Association, Mr. W. Stucke, who is based in South Africa reacted to
the story by saying "Good grief! Now watch investments in Africa as a
whole, not just Kenya wither up and blow away in the wind"[iii].

This seemed to have caught the attention of the Kenya parliamentary
select committee who called onto the Minister to answer on to why he did
take such drastic action with no formal explanation to parliament[iv].

In the meanwhile, numerous debates continue on various mailing lists
while at the same time media statements continue to be issued from
various stakeholders – with each addressing a point or two on some key
contentious issues.

 From this debacle, certain key areas or questions remain contentious,
we gather some of the interesting perspectives and reveal new insights
into regulatory and policy issues in Kenya;

-  Did the Minister act within his powers to dissolve the
regulatory board including the Director General?

-  Does the Minister’s action demonstrate the case of a weak
regulatory environment where the independence of the regulator is not
guaranteed due to political interference?

- What possible changes can there be made to the law to build in
some checks on the Minister's powers and thereby allow for an
independent regulator to exist but that would also allow for an
independent investigation into the actions of the regulator should the
Minister deem it necessary.


Composition and Appointment of the Board

The Kenya Communications Act of 1998 is not clear on the issue of the
dissolution of the board but the Act makes mandatory provision for
appointment of Board members. On the contrary the Act seems to envision
a permanent and continuously functioning Board through the appointment
of board members “at different times so that the respective expiry dates
of their terms of office shall fall at different times"[v]. The board
comprises of 11 members, a chairman appointed by the president, 3
ex-officials appointed by virtual of their position in government
(Permanent Secretaries in the Ministry of Information and
Communications, Finance, and Internal Security) and the Director-General
appointed by the Minister and at least five other members appointed by
the Minister by virtue of their experience in matters relating postal
services, telecommunications, radio-communications, commerce or related
consumer interests.

In another perspective and contrary to media reports as well as wide
ranging press releases, according the Act it seems the Director General
does not enjoy security of tenure and by implication serves at the
pleasure of the President (to whom the Minister recommends appointment).
In addition, the Director General is not subject to the provisions of
the first schedule of the Act on issues on conduct and business affairs
of board. Neither are the other ex-officio members (Permanent
Secretaries) and the Chairman. It thus appears that neither the Director
General nor the Chairman enjoys security of tenure.

In addition, the State Corporations Act provides for the President to
revoke the appointment of any member of the Board and may himself
nominate a new member for the remainder of the period of office of that
member or he may constitute a new Board[vi].

It is worthwhile to note that the Minister in his response to the media
said the president and the Cabinet were aware of his decision and
supported him despite the uproar it has caused among industry
stakeholders. "I act for the Government and the President was fully
aware of the decision that I took," Tuju said[vii].

This statement would imply the Minister was acting within the law in his
actions and his resolve that his actions were within legal terms and did
challenge anyone who thought otherwise to debate this in court

However, it is also interesting to note that Schedule 2 of the
Communications Act, Schedule 2 states that the Minister can only remove
the members of the Board, including the Chairman only under certain
circumstances of which none seem to have applied at the time the
Minister took his action. In this case, it could also imply that the
Minister did act ultra-vires of his powers to dismiss the Board in terms
of the Act[viii]..


Allegations of Impropriety and Irregularities at the Commission

The media have alleged that the CCK was involved in irregularities and
this may be some of the key issues that might be under investigation by
the Minister. Among these alleged irregularities and alleged impropriety
has been the issue of corruption. One of the key issues reported by the
media is that illegal international telephony operations have been
taking place in Kenya and the Commission allegedly is implicated as
having allowed this to continue under its nose.

Other allegations of irregularities have been reported related to the
issue of licencing for Kenya’s third mobile operator, a situation that
has seen the different interest groups in and out of court with the
result that till today no third mobile operator is operational. There
have been three court cases so far, with one cleared recently leaving
two pending cases, one between the company that won the bid (Econet
Wireless Kenya) versus the Minister of Information and Communication and
the second case between Econet Wireless Kenya and one of the company
that lost the bid (Kenya Telecommunications Investment Group) [ix].

The same can be said of the case involving the tender process for the
second national fixed telephone operator licence that was stopped by the
Public Procurement Complaints Review and Appeals Board (PPCRAB). In this
case the PPCRAB stopped the tender process in response to an appeal by
one of bidders (Taifacom Ltd) over CCK's alleged omissions in the tender
process. According to the media, the PPCRAB had taken into account of
the “the critical failure in evaluation by CCK and also the interference
in the tender process and disclosure of information by CCK, and found
that the procurement process has been seriously flawed and
compromised”[x]. In addition media reports also alleged that the
tendering process was flawed as one of the bidders had been allowed to
change some aspects of their bid after the closure of submissions[xi].

These allegations of irregularities and alleged impropriety could be
some the key factors behind the disbandment of the Board given the
Minister’s statement ‘issues under investigation’. However, one cannot
fail to note that the only criterion CCK meets in terms of exercising
full independent powers is with respect to licensing. If there are
allegations of corruption related to the third mobile or the SNO, these
would need to have been tested in a court of law before the Minister can
take action.


A Weak Regulator?

One of the key concerns that have arisen from this debacle relates to
the issue of the independence of the regulator. The Communications Act
section 5 deals with issues of the Commission’s object and purpose. As
indicated earlier the Act obliges the commission in the performance of
its functions to have regard to any policy guidelines notified to the
Commission by the Minister. This is clear: the Minister may direct the
Commission to act on a matter of communications policy but could not
instruct the Commission to act in a particular manner with regard to a
regulatory matter such as issuing a licence.

The issue of regulatory independence has come to the fore again not only
in this recent debacle but also in relation the issue of licencing as
mentioned previously where there are now two cases brought before the
courts. In the case between the Minister and the winning consortium
(Econet Wireless International) for the third mobile operator licence,
is about the cancellation of the licence by the Minister on grounds that
the interests of Kenyan investors had not been adequately catered for in
the shareholding structure[xii].

The Minister is reported to have said that given the fact that most of
the Kenyan shareholders represented in the original winning consortium
had been thrown out after failing to honour their financial obligations
meant that the national interests were not catered for which is part of
the licence conditions.

However, Econet Wireless International, in its application to the High
Court, says that the Minister acted beyond his powers. Econet insists
that it is only the Communications Commission of Kenya that has the
power to cancel the licence.

Another aspect of whether CCK can be considered an independent regulator
or not  is that section 27  and 36 of the Act makes provision for the
Minister to make regulations.If the Minister makes the regulations for
the body that is meant to regulate the communications sector, then that
regulator can not really be said to be independent in the exercise of
its regulatory functions. At worst the manner in which the Minister
makes regulations could be seen as  executive interference in the
regulatory functions of CCK[xiii].

Finally the issue of regulatory independence is implied from the Act, in
the provision of appointment of the Board of Directors at different
times and thus ensuring a permanent and continuously functioning Board
as mentioned previously. By having dissolved the board, it might seem
that even if the Minister might have acted within the law he did however
contribute to the situation of a weak regulatory institution as one
discussant summed it … “the objectives and functions of the Board are to
independently regulate an active, healthy and competitive market.
Obviously, instability can disrupt a functioning market particularly if
the source is uncertainty about the regulator”[xiv].

On the same note, as previously mentioned the State Corporations Act
provides that the President may act through the Minister to revoke the
appointment of any member of the Board or dissolve the entire Board at
any time notwithstanding the provisions of any other written law or the
articles of association establishing and governing a Board.  This could
be interpreted as a case of weak regulator that lacks independence given
the likely interference by political factors. In such a situation such
powers such as to dissolve a Board should hence be vested to Parliament
and not the President or his Minister as the case is today.

Amendments necessary to ensure the independence of CCK with respect to
regulating the communication and information sector


-  The appointment of the CCK Board through a competitive and
transparent procedure preferably through Parliament rather than the
President or the Minister, with accountability to Parliament.

-  Protection against the arbitrary removal of Board members;

-  The freedom of the Board to appoint the CEO and staff;

-   An independent source of financing, preferably through the retention
of a portion of licence fees;

-   Full licensing powers;

-  Full powers to make regulations.



End Notes:
[i] Kenya: Minister answers critics of his move on CCK board.
http://africa.rights.apc.org/index.shtml?apc=n21843e_1&x=31257
[ii] Ibid
[iii] Kenyan Govt dissolves Communications Regulator Board.
http://africa.rights.apc.org/index.shtml?apc=s21843e_1&x=31166
[iv] Kenya: House committee summons Minister over CCK saga
http://africa.rights.apc.org/index.shtml?apc=n21843e_1&x=31236
[v] Section 8. 1 (2) First Schedule, Kenya Communications Act of 1998
[vi] Section 7 -- The State Corporations, Act Cap. 446
[vii] Minister answers critics of his move on CCK board.
http://www.eastandard.net/archives/cl/hm_news/news.php?articleid=15147
[viii] CCK Board was disbanded legally —Tuju
http://www.kentimes.com/11mar05/nwsstory/other1.html
[ix] One down, two to go.
http://www.eastandard.net/archives/sunday/hm_news/news.php?articleid=14739
[x] Reforms Eat Away SNO's Potential Market.
http://www.nationmedia.com/eastafrican/01112004/Regional/Regional37.html
[xi] Govt could miss SNO auction funds.
http://www.nationmedia.com/dailynation/downloads/BusinessSunday1209.pdf
[xii] One down, two to go.
http://www.eastandard.net/archives/sunday/hm_news/news.php?articleid=14739
[xiii] Kenya Communications Act Section 27 and 36.
[xiv] Ernest Mwangi, Staff Fellow. Competition Policy & Economic
Regulation. Kenya Leadership Institute



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3. FEATURED STORIES


WSIS and Africa: Running with the Horses or Sleeping with the Dogs:

If only this was a tale of thrills and great adventure in the land
formerly known as the Gold Coast. Re-living the pleasures of gold
explorers of the past centuries, or the horrors of Africans in the prime
of their lives dragged in slavery. But alas, this is not the case; the
streets are not paved with gold, but lined with countless hawkers,
selling everything from foodstuffs to fake manufactured goods. A
Ghanaian colleague laments "They are selling dog collars, when we don't
have dogs in Ghana". A hyperbole, but the point is clear. And yet, at
least for some, there is indeed a pot of gold somewhere, if the number
of Benzes, BMWs, Jaguars, Range Rovers and the like, whizzing past the
hawkers, are anything to go by.

I was in Accra to attend the World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS)
African Region preparatory committee conference for the second phase of
the WSIS due to be held in Tunis, Tunisia in November 2005. Such 
conferences are
always nice to attend, a chance to exercise your intellectual muscle in
the company of the leading minds in the information Society in Africa
and globally, while working for the good of mankind. The A-list of ICT
in Africa was present, and even if you would consider yourself lucky to
be on the F-list in the social and/or economic circles in your home
country, this was your opportunity to be a "somebody". You can go home
and hold you head high and say I contributed to making decisions that
will affect the whole world.

But did we make decisions that improve the lives of ordinary people; my
thoughts are drawn back to the hawkers, risking their lives dodging 
traffic in
the scorching heat just to earn a few Cedes (the local currency) for
that night's meal. I'm filled with compassion for them, especially when
one young lady approaches our car as we stop at a traffic light.
Unfortunately for her, we are not buying anything, but we have time to
speak to her as a fellow human being. It is heartbreaking to find out
that she recently finished high school, but was unable to go on to
tertiary level education. No one will even consider her for a "decent"
job with only a high school certificate, but she has used her canning,
self motivation and hard work to make a living, and isn't this what the
potential employers that turned her away were looking for.

As I enter the Accra International Conference Centre for another day of
meetings, the question for me is; how can ICT be used to intervene
positively in her life as well as keep the millions of young girls and
boys in school from ending up with a career in "car-dodging". What are
we doing about it? I sit in a few meetings to find out. On occasion I
venture to make a contribution, but pressed for time, the meeting
chairperson can only give the floor to so many as time will allow, and
by default A-list members get first take. I make a mental note to speak
to one of my friends among the conference organisers about the time
provided for contributions from the house, and I'm even more encouraged
about the organisation of future events, when the chair of one of the
sessions (a cabinet minister from South Africa) notes that the
organisers should have had a smaller panel, with more time for
contributions from the house. But I digress.

What are we doing to improve the lives of ordinary people like the
hawker, Miss Ghana, (I unfortunately, didn't get her name)? I'd imagine 
the youth and
gender caucuses would be here specifically to address this young lady's 
issues,
so what were their recommendations? From the youth caucus; maximize the
use of ICTs in the creation of employment and 'wealth' opportunities for
youth and governments should commit resources and political will towards
the translation of past recommendations into visible and sustainable
action. The gender caucus suggestions ensure political commitment and
implementation of gender equality and address women's economic
empowerment issues in order for them to effectively participate and
benefit from ICTs. They and other caucuses and groups also make mention
of the Millennium Development Goals or MDGs and WSIS targets on poverty
reduction, health services, access to information, governance etc.

All this is nice and dandy, but what does it really mean. It is my
personal (un-researched) opinion that most of Africa will not meet these
targets. What with armed conflict in more countries on the continent
than I would like to count, including my own - Uganda, constitutional
violations, corruption etc, who are we fooling, but ourselves. I brought
this up with a delegate at the conference, and to say I was disappointed
with the response I got, is putting it diplomatically. The image of Miss
Ghana, sweat running down her beautiful face in free-flow mode, and the
millions of poor taxpayers whose money paid for delegates to attend the
conference to make wise choices for them, flashed across my mind. What
will I tell her the next time I stop at "her" traffic light.

It's great that we have global targets to guide our activities, but if
we know that we won't meet those targets, we should have a contigency
plan in place already. For instance, if we cannot meet all the MDGs
targets by 2015, what plans do we have to meet any missed targets by a
later date, say 2020, or are we waiting for the rest of the world to
meet the 2015 targets, set new targets for 2030, then we shift focus to
those targets irrespective of whether or not we met the 2015 targets.
Among my learned friends in the ICT sector, there is sweet phrase
"leapfrog". New information and communication technologies will help us
leapfrog this, that and the other. But are we forgetting that there is a
process to everything, one must crawl before you can walk, walk before
you can run and run before you can leap. Ask any athlete worth his/her
salt about the value of a good run-up before a jump. The question then
is where is Africa, are we crawling, walking, or running, to take full
advantage of this leap-frogging ICT revolution.

I leave you with what was the most enduring image from the conference –
at least for me. What are we doing in the ICT4D campaign, running with
the horses or sleeping with the dogs?


The developed world will run with us if we get up and run, but will also
let sleeping dogs lay.

About the Author: Milton Aineruhanga, Program Officer - Women of Uganda
Network (WOUGNET) and member of the Uganda WSIS National Taskforce.


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Zambia's long march to an information society: Can a national
information policy catalyse this process?


Introduction and background
Zambia is in a process of formulating a national information policy.
Perhaps a million dollar question is, will Zambia's enactment of a
national information Policy march the country to an information society?
In many instances, Zambia has been in the forefront in the African
continent as a pioneer in significant areas. For example when the wind
of change   from socialist to pluralist society was sweeping across
continents, Zambia was one of the earliest country that embraced this
change   and become a model of democracy development for other countries
in the sub region. Information and communications technologies (ICTs)
are no exception too. Zambia was one of the first countries in the Sub
Saharan Africa (outside South Africa) to have an Internet Service
Provider (ISP) through Zamnet1. The Internet has revolutionalised and
effectively contributed to both efficient and worldwide access to
information.  Yet with all this profile, the country has faced
considerable challenges in implementing or solidifying its achievements.

ICTs as tools for development
The need for embracing ICTs as tools for sustainable development has
been stressed at different fora. Koffi Annan, the United Nations
Secretary General writing a foreword for the E-commerce Development
Report, 2002 stated that ICTs were becoming an essential component that
contributed to economic growth by integration of developing economies into
the global economy2.  The UN has set 2015 as a target for attaining 
Millennium
Development Goals of halving the number of people in extreme poverty by 
building digital
opportunities and putting ICT at their service development.  In an
earlier speech focusing specifically on Africa, Annan implored African
leaders to mould their economies to become emphatic participants in the
global economy by adopting ICTs and stated   as follows:  "Unless
African countries become full actors in the global information
revolution, the gap between the haves and have knots will widen, opening
the possibility of increased marginalisation of the continent. On the
other hand, participating in the information society offers tremendous
opportunities for Africa to leap frog over passed development
deficiencies into the future..." 3(Richardson, 1996)

The above statement signifies the importance of embracing ICTs as a
leverage tool for enhancing and accelerating development.  An
information society or economy has been described by Corgburn quoted in
James (2001)4 as referring to "a new global economic infrastructure in
wherein the production of goods and services dominate wealth and job
creation, and is underpinned by the use of information and
Communications technologies (ICTs) and global infrastructure."  In other
words, this entails that there is diffusion and use of information
through out the social and economic system of any nation.  The above
cement views expressed by Moore  5who has gone further to list down
critical success factors which therefore underpin such societies deemed
to be moving towards an information society as follows:

i.	Organisations/ nations are becoming increasingly dependent on
intelligent use of information and information technologies as a
competitive factor
ii.	Individuals are becoming more active users of information. They use
ICTs many of their daily activities both at home and at work
iii.	A whole new information industry is taking place

The question to pose at this juncture then is, Is Zambia marching
towards the attainment of the 2015 Millennium Development goals or
moving towards being an information society? The attainments of such
goals are enhanced with   the formulation of tools such as a national
information policy that is essentially a road map to the attainment of
such envisioned goals. An information policy is simply a set of
initiatives that promotes the use of tools and concepts associated with
the global information society with a view of achieving national, social
and economic development. Information policies are both proactive
(shaping events) and reactive (responding to events).  There are three
identified types of information policy frame works and these are:6

a)	Infrastructural (apply across society and affect the information
sector both directly and indirectly)
b)	Vertical and; (apply to specific part of the information sector for a
particular application)
c)	Horizontal (apply across society and affect the information sector
both directly and indirectly)

The emphasis here is that not any one type of policy can adequately
address all the problems within the given context. Certain contexts are
better addressed when viewed from within its sectoral context. Sectoral
information policies are narrow focused looking into a particular sector
such as e-commerce, Science and Technology and education, manufacturing,
health, telecommunications and tourism information policies. What is in
the offing for Zambia addresses components that are   both
infrastructural and horizontal in nature?

One clear phenomenon with   the current formulation of an information
policy is that it is done in a quit atmosphere with no major political
pronouncements made in reference to the significance of the exercise as
the case is with the current review of the constitution. There is lack
of political involvement in the whole exercise that may render it futile
without the participation of political actors. There is a couple of
evidence world wide to suggest that most examples of successful ICT and
information policies development have been as a consequence of strategic
political leadership involvement.

Value of political leadership in policy formulation and drive
In all cases   where ICTs policies have been successfully undertaken,
the presence of a champion either individual or lead institution can be
identified. Leadership and champions are critical success factors in the
successful ICT policy development and implementation.  For example,
former United States President Bill Clinton and his Vice Albert Gore7
played a significant role in the campaign for the establishment of the
American Infrastructure Initiative. Closer home in the sub region,
examples abound too. The African National Congress (ANC) of South Africa
in its exile years prior to election prioritised ICTs as a key area and
outlined its importance in national development. This had been
consistently followed by progressive statements by the then Deputy
President Thabo Mbeki 8in 1995 inviting Western countries to partner
with Africa. At the International Union of Telecommunications (ITU)
Conference the then President, Nelson Mandela9 stressed the potential of
ICTs as a tool for development, hence the lobby for support.

As such, South Africa, has rightly positioned herself in the global
economy, the country is reaping from its investments in ICTs.  The
United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) in its 2002
report projected that South Africa had earned US $ 0.5 billion in 2002
and is further projected to increase her earnings to US $6.1bn by 2006.
  This increase in e-commerce earnings has been necessitated by a number
of businesses in South Africa that have adopted ICTs and turning their
business into an e-commerce platform selling to customers beyond
geographic boundaries particularly its tourism industry. UNCTAD report
states for example that that   the hard reality in the tourism industry
today is that if you are not on line, you are not on sale10."  In Uganda
President Yoweri Museveni is also involved in spearheading government's
drive to the use ICT for development particularly in the fight of
HIV/AIDS. The government has since invited Microsoft as partner in
infrastructure and software development.

One clear observation on the Zambian scene is that, major policy
platforms such as the Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PSRP) and the
National Indaba held not long ago for example have either underplayed or
completely ignored the significance of ICTs and information policy as a
global tool for wealth creation.

Perhaps this has not   much to do with such platforms but could be a
deficiency that is inherent in the political system for not identifying
and correctly interpreting world changes and the long-term impact on the
nation.  The general observation seems there is no single party in
Zambia that has articulated its vision and focus on how to address
critically the issue of marching Zambia forward to an information society.

The way forward for Zambia
What is the way forward then for Zambia? Several courses could be opted
for in this march to attaining an information society status. But it
would be important to realise that ICT initiatives should be anchored in
the demonstration of political will need to be cultivated. There is need
to address the following issues then:

i.	Political leadership should address the ICT challenge in their
respective manifestos. Policies require political direction and
leadership. It is therefore imperative that the information reforms
agenda needs champions at the highest political and bureaucratic levels.
The political leadership could  be demonstrated at two levels, either as
initiators (aware and eager to act) or potential supporters (not aware
but willing)

ii.	The draft national information policy should be adequately
circulated to allow for an open debate in order to synthesize ideas from
a cross section of the nation.  Further there is need to develop an in
depth ICT sector development policies such as e-commerce, Science and
Technology issues, education, tourism, manufacturing and health.

iii.	Government should call for a national indaba to specifically
address issues and challenges posed by the ICT revolution as way of
positioning the country and further avoid the consequences of
marginalisation that may result from the neglect of implementing ICTs at
a later stage.


Conclusion
In conclusion, Zambia's march to an information society may be a long
one,  but there is need  to attract the participation of  political
leadership to show this subject matter.  At the next round of
Parliamentary elections, it will be great stride if we can visualize how
ICTs could be utilised as an enabler in attaining the 2015 Millennium
Development Goal by narrowing the digital divide between the urban and
rural areas.  However, its evident perhaps that   the issue of marching
on to an information society needs much concerted efforts. The time to
act is now; procrastination will result into Zambia being marginalized
and excluded in attaining the status of an information society or economy.

About the Author: Mwala K. Sheba,is an Assistant Librarian at the
Copperbelt University Library, in Kitwe, Zambia.


End Notes
1 Sumaili, Ephraim. 1996. Zambia gets on the net. African Review of
Business and Technology, June pp 21
2 UNCTAD (2002).  E-commerce development report. -  Geneva: UNCTAD
3 Richardson, Don (1996).  The Internet and rural development:
recommendations for a strategy and activity.- Rome: FAO
4 James, Tina (ed.) (2001).  An information policy handbook for Southern
Africa: a knowledge base for decision makers. - Ottwa:IDRC
5 Moore, Nick " information policies in Asia."  Available at
<http:www.iias.nl/iiasn8/general/informpo.html
6 James, Tina (ed.) (2001).  An information policy handbook for Southern
Africa: a knowledge base for decision makers. - Ottwa:IDRC
7 Telecommunications in an information age (n.d) The United States
Information Agency
8 Mbeki,T (24 Feb 1995) South Africa and the information Super high way,
G7conference on the Information Society, Brussels, Belgium cited in
Mbeki, T (ed) (1998) Africa: time has  come
9 James, Tina (ed.) (2001).  An information policy handbook for Southern
Africa: a knowledge base for decision makers. - Ottwa:IDRC
10 UNCTAD (2001).  E-commerce  Development report. -  Geneva: UNCTADp 45



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Emmanuel Njenga Njuguna
Africa Policy Monitor Project
Association for Progressive Communications (APC)
Email: africa.rights at apc.org
Web: http://africa.rights.apc.org
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