No subject

Wed May 23 11:04:48 SAST 2007

<A HREF="http://allafrica.com/publishers.html?passed_name=Addis%20Tribune&passed_location=Addis%20Ababa">Addis Tribune</A> (Addis Ababa)
OPINION
July 20, 2001 
Posted to the web July 20, 2001 
Maimire Mennasemay 

The Democratization of Killils

It must be noted that the issue of the de-ethnicization and democratization 
of Killils is qualitatively different from that of the federal level.
The problem with the present Killils is not the fact that people professing 
the same origin, or speaking the same language, or belonging to the same 
culture inhabit them. Ethiopia already had some such provinces in the past. 
The problem is that the Killils are based on the anti-democratic principle 
that makes an ethnie the primary subject of self-determination and 
subordinates therefore the rights of the individual to those of the group. 
The offshoot of this subordination of the individual to the collective is the 
permanent violation of human rights in the name of ethnic rights, so 
prevalent now in Ethiopia, the politicization of ethnic identity, the 
polarization of ethnic and national interests, and the proliferation of 
ethnic conflicts. This may be an excellent recipe for ethnic divide-and-rule, 
but it subverts the birth and growth of democratic institutions and culture 
by subordinating the ideals of freedom, equality, justice, and national 
solidarity to the putative organic interests of the ethnie. The issue is not 
denying the existence of ethnies; rather, it is to point out that considering 
the Killil as a space of ethnic identity is incompatible with considering it 
as a space of citizenship. The democratization of the Killil requires that 
one distinguish between the Killil as a territory inhabited by citizens from 
the political criteria the various political parties adopt to organize the 
lives of the inhabitants of this territory. The Killil cannot be the 
embodiment of a single political ideology, as it is now under ethnic ideology.
The democratization and de-ethnicization of federal political institutions 
and organizations will have a locomotive effect on the political systems and 
cultures of the Killils. Since the relations between the national and the 
infra-national governments take place within the de-ethnicized and democratic 
federal framework, they will create conditions that will lead the Killils 
into considering themselves as spaces of citizenship rather than as 
embodiments of ethnic identity. This disjunction between citizenship and 
ethnic identity will disengage political from ethnic identity thus opening 
the door to differing political options, therefore parties, claiming to 
represent best the interests of the inhabitants of the Killils. Such a 
development provides a fertile ground for a democratic competitive political 
system within each Killil and reduces the creation of permanent political 
minorities or majorities, and it will, in a ricochet effect, strengthen 
democracy at the federal level.
Another locomotive effect of a democratic and de-ethnicized federal political 
system will be in the domain of the democratic equality of the Killils. A 
democratic federal system works equitably and produces democratically 
validated outcomes only if the federated Killils enjoy equal political weight 
in their relations to federal organs and institutions. That is, the relation 
between the national and the infra-national governments should be such that 
permanent majorities and minorities are not created either at the federal or 
the Killil level. From this perspective, it is undemocratic to have some 
federated states with 5 to 20 times the population of the other federated 
states. Such a lop-sided federalism can be maintained only through force and 
repression, as is the case now in Ethiopia. Thus the context of a democratic 
and non-ethnic federal government will inevitably generate a political 
dynamics that will put on the democratization agenda the need to create a 
system that ensures that all Killils will enjoy comparable political weight 
at the federal level.
The democratic concern of comparable political weight of all Killils at the 
federal level can be met only if the ethnic principle of identity 
representation is replaced by the democratic principle of citizen 
representation. This means the reorganization of the present Killils into 
units with demographic weights that will make them equitably comparable to 
each other as federated states. To achieve this, the criterion for defining 
the political space of the Killil has to change from ethnicity to demography. 
A reorganization of the federated states that guarantees them comparable 
political weight at the federal level will in turn reinvigorate and reinforce 
the democratic nature of the federal state.
The specificity of local politics
However, one should not expect the total elimination of ethnic politics at 
the local level. De-ethnicization at the federal level is conceptually 
different from de-ethnicization at the local level. At the federal level, 
ethnic politics must be discredited and eliminated, for at this level, all 
institutions must represent the common interests of all Ethiopians and serve 
all Ethiopians equally, and this is possible only within a democratic 
framework.
Local governments are accountable to and serve the interests of those who 
live in the Killil. At the local level, the demographic characteristics of 
the area - one of which could be ethnic composition - necessarily enters into 
political calculations. However, the existence of ethnic politics at the 
local level should not be a cause for dismay as long as it is conducted in 
accordance with the principles, procedures and values of democracy. As the 
example of democratic countries such as Canada and India shows, ethnic 
politics is an aspect of the demographic specificity at the local level.
It is precisely this specificity of local politics in multi-ethnic societies 
which demands a full de-ethnicization and democratization at the federal 
level, as is the case in all democratic multi-ethnic societies. The ethnic 
politics that may arise at the local level will find in the de-ethnicized and 
democratized federal system the political and institutional limits beyond 
which it cannot go without violating the rights of citizenship of the 
inhabitants of the locality. It is this crucial difference between national 
and local politics that justifies the primacy and the importance given to the 
de-ethnicization and democratization of the federal level.

An Opportunity for Change

Is it realistic to think that such a peaceful democratization of Ethiopia is 
possible? The present crisis strongly suggests an affirmative answer to this 
question. As noted earlier, a crisis is a sign of danger as well as an 
opportunity for change. Democracy has been the dominant aspiration of 
Ethiopians since the 1960's. Both the ruling party and those in the 
opposition pay lip service to this aspiration, recognizing therefore the 
political force that could be mobilized by a party that sincerely commits 
itself to this goal. Opposition leaders and parties capable of subordinating 
their personal and party interests to the democratic aspirations of 
Ethiopians could unite and seize the present opportunity and push for a 
peaceful transition from ethnic to democratic federalism.
Of course, one may object that those in power may not be interested in 
facilitating such a transition. But to them also, the crisis spells danger 
and opportunity. The TPLF/EPRDF leaders should know that the history of 
contemporary Ethiopia is the history of failures of all those who have tried 
to stay in power against the will of the people. Behind the new rhetoric of 
"renewal of democracy" that is presently bandied around by those who seem to 
have the upper hand in the current power struggle, one sees a desperate 
search for a solution. But a crisis is not overcome by verbal fiat. Political 
pragmatism should make it clear to the TPLF/EPRDF leaders that the present 
crisis offers them a golden opportunity to extricate themselves 
democratically from the present crisis without losing face.
One does not learn from experience that one refuses to examine. The present 
crisis is the outcome of ten years of failure on the part of both the ruling 
party and the fragmented opposition to meet the democratic aspirations of 
Ethiopians. It is time that both sides reflect on this monumental experience 
of failure, learn something beneficial from it, and act accordingly to create 
a durable democracy.

--part1_55.18a52f54.288b3cf2_boundary
Content-Type: text/html; charset="US-ASCII"
Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit

<HTML>From Ethnic to Democratic Federalism
 
 
 <A HREF="http://allafrica.com/publishers.html?passed_name=Addis%20Tribune&passed_location=Addis%20Ababa">Addis Tribune</A> (Addis Ababa)
 OPINION
 July 20, 2001 
 Posted to the web July 20, 2001 
 Maimire Mennasemay 
 
 The Democratization of Killils
 
 It must be noted that the issue of the de-ethnicization and democratization 
 of Killils is qualitatively different from that of the federal level.
 The problem with the present Killils is not the fact that people professing 
 the same origin, or speaking the same language, or belonging to the same 
 culture inhabit them. Ethiopia already had some such provinces in the past. 
 The problem is that the Killils are based on the anti-democratic principle 
 that makes an ethnie the primary subject of self-determination and 
 subordinates therefore the rights of the individual to those of the group. 
 The offshoot of this subordination of the individual to the collective is the 
 permanent violation of human rights in the name of ethnic rights, so 
 prevalent now in Ethiopia, the politicization of ethnic identity, the 
 polarization of ethnic and national interests, and the proliferation of 
 ethnic conflicts. This may be an excellent recipe for ethnic divide-and-rule, 
 but it subverts the birth and growth of democratic institutions and culture 
 by subordinating the ideals of freedom, equality, justice, and national 
 solidarity to the putative organic interests of the ethnie. The issue is not 
 denying the existence of ethnies; rather, it is to point out that considering 
 the Killil as a space of ethnic identity is incompatible with considering it 
 as a space of citizenship. The democratization of the Killil requires that 
 one distinguish between the Killil as a territory inhabited by citizens from 
 the political criteria the various political parties adopt to organize the 
 lives of the inhabitants of this territory. The Killil cannot be the 
 embodiment of a single political ideology, as it is now under ethnic ideology.
 The democratization and de-ethnicization of federal political institutions 
 and organizations will have a locomotive effect on the political systems and 
 cultures of the Killils. Since the relations between the national and the 
 infra-national governments take place within the de-ethnicized and democratic 
 federal framework, they will create conditions that will lead the Killils 
 into considering themselves as spaces of citizenship rather than as 
 embodiments of ethnic identity. This disjunction between citizenship and 
 ethnic identity will disengage political from ethnic identity thus opening 
 the door to differing political options, therefore parties, claiming to 
 represent best the interests of the inhabitants of the Killils. Such a 
 development provides a fertile ground for a democratic competitive political 
 system within each Killil and reduces the creation of permanent political 
 minorities or majorities, and it will, in a ricochet effect, strengthen 
 democracy at the federal level.
 Another locomotive effect of a democratic and de-ethnicized federal political 
 system will be in the domain of the democratic equality of the Killils. A 
 democratic federal system works equitably and produces democratically 
 validated outcomes only if the federated Killils enjoy equal political weight 
 in their relations to federal organs and institutions. That is, the relation 
 between the national and the infra-national governments should be such that 
 permanent majorities and minorities are not created either at the federal or 
 the Killil level. From this perspective, it is undemocratic to have some 
 federated states with 5 to 20 times the population of the other federated 
 states. Such a lop-sided federalism can be maintained only through force and 
 repression, as is the case now in Ethiopia. Thus the context of a democratic 
 and non-ethnic federal government will inevitably generate a political 
 dynamics that will put on the democratization agenda the need to create a 
 system that ensures that all Killils will enjoy comparable political weight 
 at the federal level.
 The democratic concern of comparable political weight of all Killils at the 
 federal level can be met only if the ethnic principle of identity 
 representation is replaced by the democratic principle of citizen 
 representation. This means the reorganization of the present Killils into 
 units with demographic weights that will make them equitably comparable to 
 each other as federated states. To achieve this, the criterion for defining 
 the political space of the Killil has to change from ethnicity to demography. 
 A reorganization of the federated states that guarantees them comparable 
 political weight at the federal level will in turn reinvigorate and reinforce 
 the democratic nature of the federal state.
 The specificity of local politics
 However, one should not expect the total elimination of ethnic politics at 
 the local level. De-ethnicization at the federal level is conceptually 
 different from de-ethnicization at the local level. At the federal level, 
 ethnic politics must be discredited and eliminated, for at this level, all 
 institutions must represent the common interests of all Ethiopians and serve 
 all Ethiopians equally, and this is possible only within a democratic 
 framework.
 Local governments are accountable to and serve the interests of those who 
 live in the Killil. At the local level, the demographic characteristics of 
 the area - one of which could be ethnic composition - necessarily enters into 
 political calculations. However, the existence of ethnic politics at the 
 local level should not be a cause for dismay as long as it is conducted in 
 accordance with the principles, procedures and values of democracy. As the 
 example of democratic countries such as Canada and India shows, ethnic 
 politics is an aspect of the demographic specificity at the local level.
 It is precisely this specificity of local politics in multi-ethnic societies 
 which demands a full de-ethnicization and democratization at the federal 
 level, as is the case in all democratic multi-ethnic societies. The ethnic 
 politics that may arise at the local level will find in the de-ethnicized and 
 democratized federal system the political and institutional limits beyond 
 which it cannot go without violating the rights of citizenship of the 
 inhabitants of the locality. It is this crucial difference between national 
 and local politics that justifies the primacy and the importance given to the 
 de-ethnicization and democratization of the federal level.
 
 An Opportunity for Change
 
 Is it realistic to think that such a peaceful democratization of Ethiopia is 
 possible? The present crisis strongly suggests an affirmative answer to this 
 question. As noted earlier, a crisis is a sign of danger as well as an 
 opportunity for change. Democracy has been the dominant aspiration of 
 Ethiopians since the 1960's. Both the ruling party and those in the 
 opposition pay lip service to this aspiration, recognizing therefore the 
 political force that could be mobilized by a party that sincerely commits 
 itself to this goal. Opposition leaders and parties capable of subordinating 
 their personal and party interests to the democratic aspirations of 
 Ethiopians could unite and seize the present opportunity and push for a 
 peaceful transition from ethnic to democratic federalism.
 Of course, one may object that those in power may not be interested in 
 facilitating such a transition. But to them also, the crisis spells danger 
 and opportunity. The TPLF/EPRDF leaders should know that the history of 
 contemporary Ethiopia is the history of failures of all those who have tried 
 to stay in power against the will of the people. Behind the new rhetoric of 
 "renewal of democracy" that is presently bandied around by those who seem to 
 have the upper hand in the current power struggle, one sees a desperate 
 search for a solution. But a crisis is not overcome by verbal fiat. Political 
 pragmatism should make it clear to the TPLF/EPRDF leaders that the present 
 crisis offers them a golden opportunity to extricate themselves 
 democratically from the present crisis without losing face.
 One does not learn from experience that one refuses to examine. The present 
 crisis is the outcome of ten years of failure on the part of both the ruling 
 party and the fragmented opposition to meet the democratic aspirations of 
 Ethiopians. It is time that both sides reflect on this monumental experience 
 of failure, learn something beneficial from it, and act accordingly to create 
 a durable democracy.
 
 </HTML>

--part1_55.18a52f54.288b3cf2_boundary--